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The anti-rape movement is a sociopolitical movement which is part of the movement whose objective is to combat violence against and the abuse of women. The movement seeks to change community attitudes to violence against women such as attitudes of entitlement to sex and victim blaming, as well as attitudes of women themselves such as self-blame for violence against them. It also seeks to promote changes to rape laws or laws of evidence which enable rapists from suffering any penalties because, for example victims being discouraged from reporting assaults against them, for example, because the rapist is entitled to some immunity or because a rapist (as a defendant) is capable in law of denigrating the victim. The movement has been successful in many jurisdictions in these objectives, though many of these attitudes still persist in some parts of society, and despite changes to laws and significant increases in reporting of such assaults, in practice violence against women still persists at unacceptable high levels. The movement came about in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when a new conceptualization of rape arose out of second wave feminism and the reevaluation of women's daily lives socially and with regard to the societal institutions with which they interact. Prior to this reexamination, rape had been viewed as a "sex crime carried out by pathological men,” who were unable to control their own sexual desires.〔Donat, P.L.N., and D'Emilio, J. (1998). A feminist redefinition of rape and sexual assault: Historical foundations and change. In M.E. Odem and J. Clay-Warner (Eds.), ''Confronting Rape and Sexual Assault,'' (pp. 35-49). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.〕 Feminists began to argue something radically different, instead emphasizing the role of power dynamics specifically with regard to the perpetration of rape as a crime committed primarily by men against women. This updated definition of rape was meant to come from the perspective of the victim. The act of rape was asserted to be a way in which societal gender roles, the way someone acts out either masculinity or femininity, were enforced and the hierarchy of power placing males above females was maintained.〔 Rape was thus defined as a form of violence used to ensure male power, a form of social control over women and children.〔Matthews, N.A. (1994). ''Confronting rape: The feminist anti-rape movement and the state.'' London: Routledge.〕 Known as the “anti-rape” or “rape prevention” movement, it was founded with the conceptions that sexual violence and violence against women more generally is a tool of social control used to keep women in a subordinate position to men, and that women need to do something that aids victims of sexual violence to become “survivors” of violence instead of victims.〔 The anti-rape movement continues today, with growing awareness in the United States' public sphere about the concept of rape culture coinciding with the increasing popularity of feminism. == History == Beginning in the late 1960s, violence against women became a salient topic of interest within the second-wave feminist movement. Through the anti-rape movement, an offshoot of the women’s movement, the public was made aware of sexual violence as an important social problem deserving of attention.〔"Summary of the history of rape crisis centers." Retrieved April 8, 2009, from the ''Office for Victims of Crime Training and Technical Assistance Center'' Web site, https://www.ovcttac.gov/saact/files/summ_of_history.pdf.〕 Sexual violence refers to both rape and sexual assault. As early as 1970, feminists began engaging in “consciousness-raising” groups, which involved sharing personal experiences women have had with sexual violence with the wider public. In 1971, the New York Radical Feminists sponsored the first events specifically regarding sexual violence as a social problem, the first of which was a speak-out, used to attach personal stories with the cause.〔 On January 24, 1971, this group held the first Speak-Out, which approximately 300 people attended at St. Clement’s Episcopal Church in New York, and this speak-out was followed by a conference about rape on April 12, 1971.〔 Women would come to a “speak-out” specifically to share their own experiences with an audience and to raise their voices, to literally speak out against sexual violence. These events helped increase public awareness of sexual violence as an issue deserving of attention. During the subsequent two years, feminist theorizing about rape continued. In 1975, Susan Brownmiller wrote one of the most influential pieces of literature about sexual assault of this period: ''Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape.''〔"Summary of the history of rape crisis centers." Retrieved April 8, 2009, from the ''Office for Victims of Crime Training and Technical Assistance Center'' Web site, https://www.ovcttac.gov/saact/files/summ_of_history.pdf.〕 In this book, Brownmiller made a direct connection between women’s fear and sexual aggression, describing that sexual violence is used by men to intimidate women and keep them fearful.〔 As the movement was able to connect a pattern of violence to personal experiences, slogans began to form, such as “the personal is political” and “there are no individual solutions.”〔Matthews, N.A. (1994). ''Confronting rape: The feminist anti-rape movement and the state.'' London: Routledge. pp.9.〕 The year 1972 marks an important milestone in the anti-rape movement due to the formation of two influential organizations: Bay Area Women Against Rape (BAWAR) in Berkeley, California and the Washington D.C. Rape Crisis Center. BAWAR started by first putting together packets of information concerning important safety information, such as suggestions to follow when hitchhiking, samples of the paper materials that they use (i.e., memos to hospitals or police departments requesting change, requests for donations), and medical pamphlets for survivors of rape.〔 This center also made strides to obtain city-funding for their efforts to start a 24-hour crisis line, pay a part-time staff member, and fund an office, though it is unknown whether that funding was received by 1973.〔 A good case study illustrating how many Rape crisis centers actually came into being is the case of the still-active Rape Crisis Center (YWCA) of the greater Toledo area. In 1972, one woman in Toledo started helping rape victims out of her home and the local law enforcement recognized her effectiveness and relayed victims to her care. From this individual, grassroots effort grew the YWCA H.O.P.E. center, a vibrant and still-active rape crisis center.〔http://www.ywca.org/site/pp.asp?c=hgLRJ0NNG&b=895031〕 Also in 1972, the Washington D.C. Rape Crisis Center formed and began running the first telephone crisis line for victims of sexual violence to call, which has served as an example for future rape crisis centers. This center was the first rape crisis center within the United States.〔 In 1972, the Center received approximately 20 calls a day, and aside from the crisis line, the women operating this center offered an array of services, including offering legal and medial advice, emotional support, accompaniment to the hospital or law enforcement agencies, and shelter to those who called their office.〔 By 1973, the Center also had started distributing a newsletter nationally, helping to support and legitimize the anti-rape movement then gaining speed. The Washington D.C. Rape Crisis Center along with BAWAR represented two “…national networking hubs…” for the anti-rape movement.〔Matthews, N.A. (1994). ''Confronting rape: The feminist anti-rape movement and the state.'' London: Routledge. pp.10.〕 The national anti-rape movement was largely decentralized and spread across the United States. It was made-up of several main organizations which constituted “hubs” for the movement, like BAWAR and the Washington, D.C. Rape Crisis Center, which acted as crucial networking sites for the movement, as well as a wide array of less influential centers spread throughout the US.〔 These less influential organizations remained connected to the movement often through the active feminist press of this time.〔 The national movement provided local movement organizations with support. The first national coalition among these centers did not form until 1974, with the creation of the Feminist Alliance Against Rape (FAAR) in Washington, D.C.〔 In the early stages of the anti-rape movement, the movement’s foci included “…law enforcement behavior and legal changes, hospital practices and counseling, self-defense and community education."〔Matthews, N.A. (1994). ''Confronting rape: The feminist anti-rape movement and the state.'' London: Routledge. pp.15.〕 The National Organization for Women (NOW) started working on legislative reform at the national level during the mid-1970s. This organization was the first to initiate legislative reform, helping to lead all 50 states to change their laws in various ways within the decade. These reformed laws served to encourage those who have been raped to report these crimes and improved methods for prosecuting perpetrators of this violence.〔 Specifically, by 1980 most states in the US had changed their laws to: 1) include that it is illegal for a spouse to rape her or his spouse; 2) include “rape shield laws,” which in part serve to limit using a victim’s sexual history in court to potentially be used against her or him; 3) make it unnecessary to have a witness of the rape; 4) change the age constituting statutory rape from 10 to 12; and 5) alter the definition constituting consent to demonstrate “…the difference between consent and submission (when, on account of fear, the victim does not physically resist)” and show that there is a difference between giving someone consent (agreeing to engage in a sexual act) and not giving someone consent to engage in a sexual act (for example, a person cannot give consent when she or he is passed out).〔"Summary of the history of rape crisis centers." Retrieved April 8, 2009, from the ''Office for Victims of Crime Training and Technical Assistance Center'' Web site, https://www.ovcttac.gov/saact/files/summ_of_history.pdf. pp.3.〕 In 1975, the National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape at the National Institute of Mental Health was formed.〔 The creation of this organization led to a wide expansion of research concerning sexual assault and rape; it released millions of dollars to fund research regarding both sexual violence and how to better treat the psychosocial and mental health problems of survivors.〔 As rape was increasingly demonstrated to be a societal problem by the anti-rape movement, women worked together in feminist grassroots organizations to start the first rape crisis centers. These first centers were largely formed by radical feminists, as “…the goal initially was not reform, but a total transformation of ideologies, power relationships, and the existing social structure,” and they relied mostly on volunteers.〔 However, by 1979 there were more than 1,000 rape crisis centers across the US, and these centers had started to shift away from this feminist ideology to a more liberal approach seeking reform and connections with other agencies that could aid survivors.〔 Between 1979 and the mid-1980s, this shift toward a more liberal approach continued as rape crisis centers started to be both institutionalized and professionalized, acquiring state grant funding that enabled many centers to hire staff.〔 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Anti-rape movement」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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